Let us take a look at the recent past. Venezuela succeeded in building an electoral system in which, until 1998, a series of elections enabled different political groups to alternate in power for decades while respecting the authority of electoral institutions. The electoral framework functioned in accordance with the law even when a political actor openly opposed to the establishment, and without representation within the institution’s administrative structure, achieved victory and had that victory recognized, as was the case of Hugo Chávez. Most importantly, all of this occurred in a climate of peace.
Once Hugo Chávez came to power, the electoral landscape began to change. In October 2004, during the campaign for regional elections, the National Electoral Council (CNE) opened an administrative investigation against Chávez for violating electoral advertising regulations and using state resources for political campaigning. Chávez publicly challenged the electoral authority, questioning the CNE’s power to sanction him. At the same time, pro-government leaders announced a public fundraising campaign to pay any fine that might be imposed on the president. The episode revealed growing tensions between the head of state and the electoral referee, as well as an attitude of open defiance toward the rules governing electoral campaigns. This case represented an early manifestation of the abuse of incumbency and the pressures exerted by the Executive Branch on institutions that, in theory, were supposed to act independently. Electoral advantage-seeking was being born and would gradually evolve into outright electoral fraud.
Thereafter, the use of state resources to benefit pro-government electoral campaigns, the imposition of arbitrary measures to limit the electoral participation of political opponents, the unlawful disqualification of opposition political parties, and the use of violence—frequently lethal—against peaceful opposition demonstrations became commonplace.
Thus, within this environment of systematic violations of citizens’ political rights, Venezuela arrived at 2024, when the most blatant violation of the electoral legal framework occurred. The established vote-counting procedures were disregarded, polling station-level results were withheld, and Nicolás Maduro was proclaimed the winner despite the opposition having collected official evidence of its overwhelming victory with more than 70 percent of the vote.
This is the context in which, following Maduro’s removal from power and the interim stewardship assumed by Delcy Rodríguez on January 3, and in light of the unlawful extension of her stay in office, the need for an election capable of restoring the legitimacy of the executive branch has become evident. For this reason, various sectors of civil society, political actors, and members of the international community have expressed their conviction regarding the need for a prompt electoral process.
This leads us to consider the complex elements involved in rebuilding an electoral authority that is politically, morally, and technically incapable of carrying out the delicate mission of administering an election under current circumstances. In this regard, it is essential to combine the need for an election as a mechanism for restoring legitimacy to the political system as a whole with the establishment of a clear set of guarantees that will ensure the election fulfills that legitimizing purpose. It is these guarantees that will make possible a clean, transparent, and verifiable electoral process.
Important voices within civil society, including Voto Joven, have highlighted the fundamental considerations that should guide this effort:
1. The starting point must be the understanding that voting is a fundamental right, as a direct expression of popular sovereignty.
2. Given the country’s current situation, the electoral route must be recognized as the primary mechanism for advancing democratic reinstitutionalization.
3. Genuine and verifiable electoral conditions must be guaranteed.
4. Elections are a pathway toward democratic transition and therefore require agreements, timelines, conditions, and verification mechanisms.
5. Elections must be genuinely democratic, competitive, participatory, and capable of generating public trust.
6. Voting should be understood as a peaceful instrument that channels political conflict within a democratic framework.
7. Citizens must remain at the center of the democratic process, understood as rights-bearing actors who are aware of their rights and capable of demanding proper conditions.
8. Citizens’ well-being and the exercise of their rights are inseparable from democracy itself.
9. Respect for the constitutional mandate must serve as the foundation of any democratic process and as the guarantee for rebuilding the rule of law.
10. The reconstruction of democracy must be a collective undertaking.
The challenge facing Venezuela is enormous. After years of egregious violations of the most basic political rights, it is imperative to build an electoral institution capable of overcoming the vices and arbitrariness of an authoritarian system whose architects still retain power, albeit with certain limitations.
For this reason, the international community must stand alongside civil society and democratic actors in providing unwavering support for the principles that guarantee a free and fair electoral process, as the only viable path toward rebuilding Venezuela’s electoral system. An electoral date and sufficient guarantees are urgently needed as soon as possible.