Elections are, together with the notion of separation of powers, an emblematic factor of democracy. The holding of elections is perhaps the first factor to consider when analyzing a political system: if it holds elections, it has legitimized its rulers, it has listened to the voice of the people. This has been the criterion that has historically prevailed until recently, and it still remains very valid, but also less relevant.
This primacy of the electoral fact has entered into competition with criteria that seek to define more deeply the democratic conduct of a system, of a government, and this makes a great sense, given that it is possible for a government to emerge from a democratic electoral process and once elected to implement a governmental performance that goes against respect for the rights of citizens and democratic principles.
Thus, the electoral fact, which until a few decades ago legitimized a government that presented itself as democratic, is insufficient today, and such a factor would only be the first requirement to qualify a government, while the emphasis is on performance, on the daily conduct of the government, on the free participation of civil society, on respect for the rule of law and, consequently, on the separation of powers.
Thus, the political group that accompanied President Chávez and that now supports Nicolás Maduro has maintained a discourse of permanent exaltation of the elections. During the period of the populist Chávez, numerous elections were held in which the surprising charisma of the military leader, supported by the illegal use of public resources and a permanent advantage, guaranteed him successive victories.
Today, rampant corruption, Maduro’s precarious charisma and the establishment of a totalitarian regime have implied more complex challenges when it comes to the government obtaining an electoral victory. The transition from authoritarianism to totalitarianism has been accompanied – in electoral matters – by the transition from using state resources and forcing state employees into voting for the government to open fraud.
Thus, with the recent fraud committed on July 28, 2024, in which the National Electoral Council (CNE) hijacked the results and announced a non-existent victory for Maduro, still fresh in the air, the government, in a new rush forward, has decided to call for new electoral processes. Indeed, on January 21, the CNE announced the holding of elections for governors and regional legislative councils, for municipal mayors and municipal councils, and for the national assembly.
In addition to the onerous electoral conditions that the CNE has imposed on its political adversaries, there are other conditions that make the dominant bloc’s iron grip on power even more obvious: the participation of the Democratic Unity Roundtable will not be permitted, citing vague and false accusations of “treason” based on the fact that the opposition does not recognize Maduro’s supposed victory.
For Venezuelan society, this situation poses very complex challenges. On the one hand, the non-participation of the democratic forces in the elections would give the government absolute control of the instances of popular representation, and on the other, the evident fraudulent handling of the electoral processes by the regime through the CNE is a powerful weapon for creating apathy and despair for a people who have voted massively against the autocrat without being able to make the results a reality.
Following the fraud of July 28, the international community has witnessed the astonishing magnitude of the violation of Venezuelans’ political rights, and now watches as Maduro cynically calls for new elections, desperately trying to turn the page on his consecration, if it were new, as an illegitimate ruler. Organizing another attempt at an “election” without a transition of the presidency and the restoration of constitutional order can only lead to the consolidation of totalitarianism, strengthening the power position of the de facto government.
In this way, Maduro violates the election and seeks to cover up his fraud with another election. Only a radical change in the electoral conditions could generate some kind of confidence in this process to come, however, it seems to be proven that Maduro only allows elections that do not elect. The international community must redouble its diplomatic efforts and pressure according to international law to prevent a worse future.